In fact, the messes that Chancellor Diana Mondino sometimes gets into in her statements are already part of the political scene and deserve to be included in Guinness. Like the last one, when she told the Clarín correspondent in Paris that they could not identify military personnel at the secret Neuquén base, in the Argentine Patagonia region, because all Chinese people are the same.
The Chinese chancellor, who has held this post for twelve years, has no time for trifles: China’s position in the region is consolidated. They arrived here to stay. That’s why Mondino got what he went for in Beijing: the refinancing of the freely available yuan loan granted to the former presidential candidate and former Minister of Economy, Sergio Massa, which expires next month. The Chinese pretend to be distracted, but they record everything, and send signals such as a reduction in the purchase of Argentine meat.
This passionless policy that distinguishes what is important from what is secondary – messing with Taiwan, as Mondino did, was much more serious than the frivolity and impropriety of his questioned phrase – finds no mirror in Argentina. The Milei government’s confrontation with Spain is another example: an idiotic outburst by a Pedro Sánchez minister was responded to with open interference in Spain’s internal affairs, copied from the extreme right’s position on corruption, illegal immigration and the fate of women. Spanish women.
This incompetence is reminiscent of the hilarious and discriminatory description given by former president Alberto Fernández when he said that we, Argentines, had arrived in America by ship and that the Brazilians had come out of the forest – certainly from a tribe that already spoke Portuguese before the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Álvares Cabral, in 1500.
One absurdity is not always answered with another absurdity. At least not in serious diplomacy. Otherwise, what would diplomacy be for? Foreign policy – like politics itself – is not a game of more or less funny memes for entertainment on social media. It requires seriousness and balance between impulse, thoughtlessness and national interest.
Mondino’s recent visit to Colombia to try to calm the fervor of the sentence in which Milei says that the Colombian president, Gustavo Petro, “is a murderous terrorist” also left some surprising sentences from the chancellor. For example, the proposal to send Argentine prisoners to verify the peace process in the country, which is in charge of an OAS delegate, or candidly asking (to use a mild diplomatic term) whether Colombia could not be divided into four, due to to the various problems that the country faces in each region, in relation to the still remaining guerrillas and drug trafficking. The authorities present – including the Argentine ambassador who was leaving his post and the one who was taking over – could not believe what they were hearing. Despite all this, Mondino calls herself a “firefighter” of the fires that Milei’s fiery words ignite and that she tries to put out… with gasoline.
It remains to be seen whether, if they were deleted, it would have been much more out of consideration for the country and its successful diplomatic tradition, than for Mondino’s possible skills in international relations.
The historical ties between Argentina and Colombia are so strong that they are safe from the vicissitudes and mutual verbal mistakes of Gustavo Petro and Javier Milei. It seems incredible, but Mondino reduces these episodes to personal issues between the presidents, as if one condition could be separated from the other. In other words, the presidential staff.
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